Representative Brian McCall presented "From the Government and Here to Help" for the Texas Politics Speaker Series on October 11, 2007.

Dr. James Henson: Good afternoon. I want to be brief in the introduction so we can get going. We're happy to have Representative Brian McCall today from the 66th District of the House of Representatives. Mr. McCall was elected in 1991 and represents what is essentially a big piece of Plano.

He's served as Vice Chair of the House Committee on Higher Education in the last Session, and also served on the Committee for Financial Institutions. He holds a bachelor's degree from Baylor, a master's degree from SMU, and a PhD from the University of Texas at Dallas. He's worked actively in several areas, including Open Government, Health Care, Bio-tech, High Technology, Identity Theft, and Tax and Budget Policy, and has a reputation in the House, really on both sides of the aisle, as a thoughtful and conscientious legislator; we're very happy to have him here.

Aside from policies, he's been in the news a little bit in the last year or two as a past and current candidate to be the next Speaker for the Texas House of Representatives, and I suspect either he or you will have something to say about that at some point today.

Somewhere in the middle of all of this, you know, I hear by Thanksgiving, although I hate to commit that to video, he will also be completing a manuscript or turning a manuscript into a book for the University of Texas Press. The book will be called, at least as of now, In the Shadow of John Connally: An Examination of Gubernatorial Power in Texas, and we're all looking forward to that. So without further ado, please join me in welcoming Representative Brian McCall to the University of Texas at Austin.

(Applause.)

Representative Brian McCall: Thank you. Appreciate it, thanks. Great to be with you, thank you for letting me be here. Thank you for calling me a conscientious legislator, which is a lot like being named best dressed on radio. (Laughter.) I'm from the government and here to help. It's good to be with you.

When I was first elected, I served with Ann Richards as Governor. Soon after that, George Bush came. There were renovations going on on the Capitol building, and part of the renovations were such that they had to take the Goddess of Liberty off the top of the Capitol Dome, by helicopter. And it was very difficult to clean her and get her back up, even with a helicopter; don't know how it was done in 1885; but it must have been an awful experience for those trying to do it. Governor Richards was asked, What should we put atop the Capitol Dome once we get the Goddess of Liberty off? And she decided that we should have a big Christmas star, and in fact you can see pictures of a big Christmas star atop the Capitol Dome. Her reasoning was that perhaps it would attract a few wise men, and women. And shortly after that, it did. George Bush came, which will give you an indication as to my political inclination: I'm a Republican.

There are some very good Republicans in the State; I'm not a good one. But I'm a Republican. I'm from the House of Representatives, which is not a representative body. It's not a representative body of the people of Texas by any stretch. Since the House of Representatives was founded along with Texas, when Texas became a state, there have been 5299 men serve in the Texas House of Representatives. There have been 117 women, 35 of which are serving today. So in that regard, in that regard alone, it's far from representative of the people of Texas and has a long way yet to go.

The first female governor in the United States was a Texas governor, Miriam Ferguson in the 1920s and again in the 1930s. The Texas Legislature then, just as the Texas Legislature now, deals with things like highway funding, public health, transportation, higher education, crime, punishment, imprisonment all of those things, then and now. To underscore this, in the 1920s she was asked what her position was on the teaching of English as a second language. And she said, If the English language was good enough for Jesus Christ, it's good enough for the schoolchildren of Texas. So while the questions don't change, we deal with the same things now that we dealt with then, I hope as we go along the answers get a bit better over time. And I think they do. That's progress. The Legislature never solves any problem; never has, never will, won't, and can't. But if we advance the ball in the Legislature, and improve the lives of some as we go along, and make things a bit easier and better, not just in Texas but as a model for the other states, then we've done what we need to do.

Texas is important in the scheme of things, not just in the United States, but in the nation [sic], because in this Capitol when we're in session, people from all over the nation who are authorities in their subject and from around the world come to see and talk and testify and influence what we're doing; because what happens in California and Texas and Florida in particular becomes models for the other states in the nation, and other nation-states in the world. If Texas were an independent nation-state, you've heard we would be the ninth biggest economy in the world. We're certainly the largest democracy in the world with a part-time legislature.

We elect, according to the Constitution, men and women who go to Austin and pass only those laws that are necessary, and then come back home to live under the laws that they've passed. It's a good plan, and in my view it works well. But we're the largest government in the world, if we were a nation, with a part-time body overseeing the work of the government. We are a big deal; we're a significant power. We would be barely behind Mexico in gross national product if we were a country. If you combine us with the two states I mentioned, Florida and California, just to give you some impact of the size, those three states alone would be the fifth biggest economy in the world, ahead of Germany.

Let me give you an historical perspective. The Governor of California, Arnold Schwarzenegger, the Governor of Texas, Rick Perry, and the Governor of Florida, Crist -- I don't know his first name; "Governor" is his first name. Governor Crist governed almost two-thirds of the number of people that Franklin Roosevelt governed when America became the most powerful country in the world. Texas alone, Rick Perry governs today about 20 percent of the people Franklin Roosevelt governed when the United States became the most powerful person in the world.

Texas is significant in another way. We grow by about 20 percent per decade. That means in the next ten years we'll have at least five million more people here. So it's about a half a million people a year, 1400 people a day. What does that have to do with politics? Well, let's talk about where they're going. If ten -- if five million people are coming in the next ten years, they're coming to urban and suburban areas. Eighty-three percent of Texans today live in urban and suburban areas. That's Frisco and Sugar Land and Round Rock and places like that. And the five million people that are on their way are not going to Dime Box and Paducah and Alpine and Poetry and Ignorant Hill; they're going to Sugar Land and Plano and Frisco and Round Rock and Katy and those sort of places. So that's going to make a big change in Texas, and it's made a big change today from where Texas was even 20 years ago.

Why are people moving here? Because we do a lot of things right, higher education being one of them. But I want to talk about some of the challenges that we have in Texas. Today, every other baby born will be a Medicaid baby. Every other baby born tomorrow will be a Medicaid baby. And the next day and the next day. We lead the nation in teenage pregnancies. Almost one in five adults can't read well enough to make out the label on a bottle of poison. We have some unique problems in Texas. We have a 1200-mile border with another nation-state, and our pollution laws aren't recognized across that border. We can't write laws to keep their pollution from blowing into our state; we can have agreements with the federal government and their government, but we have unique problems that other states don't have.

As far as health insurance is concerned, we have the highest overall uninsured rate in the nation, meaning about one out of four people who would like to have insurance, who would do better with it, who would have a higher dignity of care for their health needs, don't have it. Twenty-four percent; the national average is 15.

On a per capita basis, we incarcerate more people in Texas than any nation in the world except the United States, of which Texas is the leading incarcerator. We execute more people in Texas than any other state. Today as in most days, there are about 370 people sitting on Death Row; 360 men and ten women. They're waiting.

The thing that's interesting is, to me, when I was first elected soon after I was elected Bush was governor I passed a bill to create a DNA fingerprint database. What this does is a lot of sex offenders leave behind at the scene of the crime, absolute evidence that can convict them of the crime. And there was a lot of effort to get the bill passed for that reason. But another thing that it does, it provides absolute evidence to the innocence of those who are wrongly convicted of a crime. Bob Bullock didn't like the bill; he was lieutenant governor. And I passed the bill unanimously from the House, but I couldn't get it set on the Senate calendar.

If you've been around the Capitol, you know that during the Legislative Session there are always cakes and cookies and pies and food -- well, this particular week there happened to be a lot, for whatever reason, of peanut brittle going around the Capitol. Bullock wouldn't set the bill. Bush's legislative aide, a man named Shelley [phonetic], met with Bullock and said, Look, Governor Bush really wants this bill passed; it passed the House unanimously. Would you set it on the calendar; the Governor would appreciate it. Bullock said, No. I don't understand, nor do I like, the bill. The next day, Senator Shelley met with him and said, You know, I've spoken with the Governor and he really wants this bill set. And Bullock said, No, I told you yesterday we're not setting that bill, next.

Well, this happened two more days, but by the fourth day, Governor Bullock had been eating peanut brittle for four days, and it had given him a case of diarrhea. When he left the room, Senator Shelley grabbed the clipboard, put my bill down; it came up on the Senate floor, passed the Senate unanimously, and that's how a bill became a law. It's different than the way you study in your books sometimes.

(Laughter.)

Representative McCall: The reason I've mentioned this is because there have been 29 people exonerated from Death Row since that time, using DNA evidence. There have been 405 people executed in Texas since the death penalty started again in 1982, and one must wonder how many innocent people may or may not have been executed. We likely won't know.

I say this to tell you something about what a legislature can do. We don't do just things like decide prize money for the Lottery. We don't do things just like failing to build roads where roads need to be built. We don't just do things like, not funding public education to the extent that some think it might be, or not giving the teachers the raise that they might.

Every single thing the Legislature does affects someone's life in a significant way; certainly not as significantly as the example I just gave about the 29 people who were exonerated, on Death Row, but every decision we make has consequences.

There are about 5500 bills introduced usually each Session, from which about 1200 are passed; from which there are usually numerous amendments and numerous decisions; T.S. Eliot said, "In a minute there's time for visions and revisions which a minute will reverse."

When I was first elected, the most important issue in the Republican primary was that of limiting the terms of those elected to public office. It's not an issue at all now, and in fact, what's important one session is often inconsequential the next; or we reverse it. We change; things dart and flow.

I think amongst the issues that we've looked at, those that constituents contact us about are probably maybe 20 issues a session; they're very important. But if you look at 5500 bills introduced, it's a small percentage of what we touch and what we deal with. Yet it has the impact I spoke of. Some of the things we talk about is whether prisoners can be used as training fodder for guard dogs; whether we ought to be able to carry guns or not, and who should, and under what circumstances; whether there should be a waiting period for a marriage license, or a hand gun license.

And in fact if you've sat in the House gallery, you know that you look down and you see a man or woman gets up to speak, says nothing, nobody listens, and then they argue about it. But there are some great exchanges that happen on the floor as well.

A man named Mr. Warren Chisum was on the front mic, arguing why we should have a right-to-carry-concealed-handgun licenses in the state of Texas. On the back mic, he was being questioned by someone whose logic was that we should have a waiting period before anyone buys a handgun; their logic being that we even had a waiting period for a marriage license in the State. Mr. Chisum's argument was that a handgun license is a lot safer than a marriage license.

(Laughter.)

Representative McCall: We have great debates. We have orations. We talk; we argue; we slap each other on the back; we stab each other in the back; we hug and cry and kiss and kick. We high-five and towel-pop. There's no greater laboratory for studying human behavior than the floor of the Texas House of Representatives.

From a political standpoint, I mentioned the State is changing. And it's changing -- I'm going to limit my comments to the Texas House because that's what I know best, though I get unsolicited letters from credible people all of the time telling me I don't know anything about that either. But from a political standpoint, the Texas House is changing. There are 150 members of the House. When, through reapportionment, the Legislative, the Republican Legislative Redistricting Board drew the lines for the House, they drew 97 Republican-majority districts, and 53 Democratic-majority districts.

Yet today, the current House makeup is 79 Republicans and 70 Democrats. There is one vacancy that is presumably Republican that will be filled within a month. How can that be? Well, there's 17 majority Republican districts today in the House represented by Democrats. There are no Democratic-majority House seats represented by Republicans.

It's a bit of a dog's breakfast; there's no such thing the other way around, and yet the trends in Texas are interesting as well. I mentioned that 83 percent of Texans live in urban and suburban areas, and the growth of five million people over the next ten years will be in urban and suburban areas. Well, there's a great -- there's a good lady who's a number-cruncher at the Capitol, who monitors these such trends, named Dana Chaido [phonetic]. She's just done a new assessment of the trend since the last election cycle. Based on House districts and partisan changes, Republican strength is increasing in the suburbs in the outer suburbs, and in the rural areas, each election cycle by one to four percent.

Democratic strength is increasing in the areas that I just mentioned that are having the high growth: urban and suburban areas; areas like mine. My district is in the high 60s, low 70s; I say high 60s and low 70s, because last election cycle it was about a 72 partisan ranking for Republicans.

But since then, 3.6 percent growth in the Democratic party, influence in my district. Urban and suburban areas are gradually increasing in the Democratic hold, though they're heavily Republican at the moment. And the exception to this is south of San Antonio. Hispanic areas in South Texas, the Valley, Corpus Christi, are trending Republican. So I mention that because it's campaign season, and Legislative politics are vicious, because the stakes are so low. And we're about to go into the campaign season, and you're going to hear and see a lot of things. How many of you like politics, by the way?

(Many in audience raise their hands.)

Representative McCall: Yes. I do some days.

(Laughter.)

Representative McCall: I recommend it as an avocation, unless you live in Plano. Any of you live in Plano?

Woman 1: I am from Plano.

Representative McCall: You're from Plano? And my... your parents there?

Woman 1: They just moved to Houston.

Representative McCall: Not because of the bad representation they're getting.

(Laughter.)

Representative McCall: No.

Woman 1: I think tha tmay have had something to do with it...

Representative McCall: Oh, no.

The Speaker's race was mentioned. The House in Texas is made up of 150 members who come together and select one of their own, a state representative, to guide and lead and direct the affairs of the House. This Session and this will be disputed, but my count is that this Session there were votes, in the middle of Session, to replace the Speaker.

The Speaker of the House chose not to recognize someone who made a motion that he step down from the job, citing that he had the absolute authority to recognize or not, and that was a motion that in his view would bring chaos to the House, and he would not recognize it. And so I tee that up because I was told to speak a little bit of the time and to answer questions for a little bit of the time. And so I end on that note, and I'll be happy to answer any easy questions anyone has on any subject relative to the Legislature.

Dr. James Henson: Okay, Sean back here has the microphone, so while you're thinking you know, so first easy question? Here you go.

Representative McCall: Yes, sir.

Man 1: I'm not sure if you remember, back in college reading Max Weber's Ð (Laughter from interns.) -- publication of Politics as a Vocation, but -

Representative McCall: Remind me. (Laughter.) I'm old.

Man 1: Well, I can't even remember it now, and I just read it like two weeks ago. But basically I wanted to ask you what advice you have for people that do seek politics as a vocation, and whether or not you think it's worth it to go into politics.

Representative McCall: I highly recommend it: I highly recommend that properly motivated people with life experience go into politics. What does that mean? Well, I mentioned a moment ago that the Constitution says we'll elect men and by the way, they left out women but we interpret we should elect men and women to go into politics in the Texas Legislature; pass only those laws necessary; come back and live under the laws that they pass.

So we have a citizen legislature in Texas. If you talk about the U.S. Congress, it's a full-time job. If you talk about statewide offices, it's full time. Even in some counties, being a county commissioner is a full-time job.

So I want to differentiate between part-time service, a citizen politician, and a full-time politician. My preference is for and I think we get a better result from citizen politicians, who live in the community, have other careers going. The Legislature is made up of lawyers and business people and college teachers and you name it. They all come together with a unique expertise about what they do and how they do it.

So if you're interested in politics and you don't live in my district -

(Laughter.)

Representative McCall: -- I would recommend that you develop a career. And to whatever degree you have an expertise in something, bring it with you if you come to the Legislature. And from there go into full-time service if that's what you want to do.

The Legislature is something that is you know, there's an old cliche, you stick your hand into the darkness, grab another hand and pull it out into the light. You get more from your service than you give. It's a very part-time job, most of the year, and it's an absolutely full time job for 140 days every other year. So if you can balance those two, I highly recommend it. Nothing more gratifying. You touch the lives of so many people, in good ways. And it's not just the passing of bills; it's helping a kid get into a college, not UT but helping a kid that needs a little bit of help. Or it's moving a prisoner to a prison that's closer to his family so the kids can visit. The bills are great too; but it's helping the mother who's got a deadbeat husband, ex-husband who won't pay the child support, helping her get the child support. Those are the real kicks; that's how you make a difference, and help people.

If anyone else is brave enough to ask a question, I'll keep the answer shorter. Yes, sir.

Tim Fackler: Thank you for coming and spending some time with us today. You spoke a moment ago about political change, which is something I've been interested in for quite a while, and Ð One thing that's caught my eye, and quite honestly I it's interested me and puzzled me, is some recent headlines we've seen in Austin, and I'm sure elsewhere in the state about some movement of political leaders from the Dallas-Fort Worth area from the Republican party to the Democratic party. And it's caught my eye, and I'm interested in what your thoughts may be about what's going on there, you know, are these errors in judgment, something in the water supply? Machinations unconnected to the Speaker's race? Or whatever it may be, I'm curious to know.

Representative McCall: Even in the high value areas of Dallas where they drink bottled water, the change has occurred, so I don't think it's the water.

(Laughter.)

Representative McCall: It's the trend that I spoke of, where urban and suburban areas are trending that way. You know, the soccer mom thing was about five minutes ago, but it's a real deal. People are interested in their lives, their families, and the things around them. They're not interested in many ways in a lot of the wedge issues. This is the elected have had, in running for re-election for some time, a misguided notion that the voters may not just be the brightest people. The voters are pretty bright. And there has been and there will be a bit of the "throw the rascals out" mentality, I think, particularly in urban and suburban areas. There's a fed-up-ness. One thing I didn't mention a moment ago is that the rural trends are in Democratic districts are Republican. They're trending, to the same degree, one to four percent, toward the Republican party.

How does that affect incumbency? Well, in Dallas, it meant that we threw out a lot of judges. How does that affect rural representation and House of Representatives representation? I think it's very different. There's a man named Chuck Hopson who's a Democrat who represents a district that's 63.4 percent Republican. In this town there's a man named Mark Strama whose district is the only district that changed since the last cycle, from about 51.2 percent Republican to 49.7-something percent Democrat. But there are a couple of swing districts, like in El Paso and in Mesquite, where those districts could go either way. They're both Republican districts that could swing to the Democratic party.

So I think the only answer that I gave you is that I don't think it's the water. Yes, sir?

Man 2: I had to make my question slightly easier.

Representative McCall: Bless you.

Man 2: You're speaking of the trends, the Democratic trends. If the Democrats have another good election cycle as they did last time, they can very well take control of the House. If they did, could you give me a few names that you would see ideal from that caucus, as Speaker of the House?

Representative McCall: That would be like holding a press conference to say the captain of the ship was sober last night. I don't know that it would have the effect I would want it to have. I'm a Republican, and I want there to be a Republican majority.

But I do believe some of the ablest and brightest and most articulate members of the House are in the party that the opposite party. I have not spent a nanosecond analyzing who the Democratic players would be. So at risk of forgetting some or boosting a campaign that I don't want to boost Ð

(Laughter.)

Representative McCall: -- I'll talk to you in private after, but let me just tell you this: This is a separate train of thought. There's some really bright, bright Democrats.

Craig Eiland of Galveston is my deskmate and has been for ten years. I've never heard him mention running for Speaker. It's just not a conversation I've had with Democrats. So that's why I'm not going to answering your question. Yes, sir?

Man 3: Are you taking hard questions yet?

(Laughter.)

Man 3: Because I -

Representative McCall: Never have; I'm willing to try.

Man 3: Well, CBS -

Representative McCall: I've bungled some easy ones, so I may as well.

Man 3: Okay. Well, CBS-42 recently ran a feature story that said that Representatives of the House engaged in multiple voting practices -

Representative McCall: Yes.

Man 3: -- and I'm really interested to get your perspective on this, obviously accepted, part of the Legislature.

Representative McCall: Well, it ranges from the innocent to the absurd. Oftentimes we vote for people who sit around us because they're on the House floor. And they've told us how to vote. It also ranges to the absurd, because they're not even in the building or the city, and sometimes in the state and, in this last session, nor in this nation-state.

So it does need to be reined in. I think that there needs to be a mechanism by for which you can vote from across the room or from the Member's Lounge, and in fact the rules say if you're on the House floor, which is defined as the Member's Lounge, the restroom, and the back hall I believe Ð So as long as you've told your deskmate, I'm stepping away for these few minutes to go eat a sandwich in the Member's Lounge, when this amendment comes up, vote me this way -- needs to stay that way. But we need to rein in the abuse. Yes, sir?

Man 4: There's a bill in like the federal Congress that was passed; a lot of states a lot of other states have rejected it. I just wanted to find out if you knew anything about what Texas was going to do. It's I think it's called the Real ID Act, and either in 2008 or 2009 it will require all US citizens to have like sort of a national ID card in order to leave the country, board a plane, or enter a federal building. And I just wanted to find out if the Texas State Legislature was going to reject it, accept it or and what you thought, or think.

Representative McCall: Well, Texas will consider all of these things, and this last Session we considered something where and it generated a lot of debate where an ID had to be shown to vote. These things are emotional; these things are oftentimes divided by party line. These things oftentimes are based on red herrings, you know, that this is for to prevent terrorism or to aid in the protection of citizens; when in fact it might even be for preventing people from voting, or skewing an election one way or another.

So will all of these things come up in the Texas Legislature if they haven't? Yes. Where do I stand on them? I hope I stand skeptical and questioning and willing to put the thoughtful review into it, for the reasons I just mentioned. Typically, the Texas Legislature passes major bills well before the federal Congress does. Things that come to mind are like, genetic testing, prohibitions, stalking, all of the big issues that ultimately hit the 50 states, most states get a little ahead of the US Congress. We the Congress is slower to act than the states. So, we may see it sooner than later. Yes, sir?

Man 5: You mentioned the unique position that Texas was in, seeing as how we share that long border with Mexico. I was wondering if you had heard of the North American Union, and maybe how you felt about it, considering the fact that they want to do away with our borders, make international highways, that we might end up paying for how you felt about that. And then also, maybe if you could touch on toll roads and how people think they're taking over Texas.

Representative McCall: I'm not familiar with the goals of the North American Union, but as long as we have the gun laws we have in place in Texas, I don't think they'll be taking over our roads here.

Toll roads: We may not have enough guns to prevent those from taking over.

(Laughter.)

Representative McCall: Here's the deal. We have an interstate road system designed on or about the end of World War II, for a state that was mostly rural; which as now you know, is overwhelmingly urban and suburban. And the population at that time was approximately a third of the population today, and the growth that we're going to see and have seen can't keep up with the pace of roads in the high-growth areas that we're talking about. If we could build every road that we knew we needed today, understanding construction procedures, not toll roads, it would take more than ten years to get them up and running, if we had the funding, which we don't.

Four years ago we said we could fund about a third of the roads that we know we needed. Now there have been proclamations that we can't, from TxDOT -- I mean, the Highway Department that we can't fund the roads that we know we need today. Whether that is a threat or a fact, I don't know and should know, but the fact is that toll roads can get up and running quicker, faster and get people moving, in these high-density areas, than we can do otherwise. And so I think they're something that we're going to have.

Dr. James Henson: I want to close out in a minute, but so that you're not too not in a minute, but soon, so you're not too late to the airport _

Representative McCall: No, I'm fine.

Dr. James Henson: -- but I, you know, would have to turn in, you know, my, sort of credentials I guess if I didn't ask you directly about the Speaker's race.

Representative McCall: Uh-huh.

Dr. James Henson: So I want to ask you a couple things. I mean, One, could you just describe for the people here what you think, you know, the heart of the argument for change is. You know, at the end of the day. And then second, you know, and I know it's early, but what is the kind of state of play of things? The Speaker's been on the road in the last month, kind of making his case, you know, in some cases very much in your neck of the woods. So I'm wondering if you could talk about those two things.

Representative McCall: The Speaker of the House is a gentleman named Tom Craddick, and Tom has been in the House for over 40 years. He has been in the Republican minority party for most of that time. He has been instrumental in building the Republican party in the Texas House in particular, so that we would have a majority.

He is an intelligent man, and because he's highly intelligent and because he's been in the House 40 years, he's typically three or four steps ahead of most of us in the House, on most issues. He's seen it before; he knows how it works. He knows how it can work. He has probably and this is conjecture on my part based on the turnover in the House since I've been in the House in 40 years he's probably served with a thousand or so colleagues. House members come and go, but Tom has remained static and constant, and there, and has had a big impact on how the State works in terms of water policy, natural resources, public health, tax policy, all of the big issues. So it's only human nature that he would want because he sees a few steps ahead of most of us, having chaired the Natural Resources Committee before any of you were born, he should know about water issues; and he should have a lack of patience about members whom this is a new thing for.

And so I say it's only natural that it would be perceived by members that in fact he is micro-managing the process. It only is natural that someone who's been there 40 years, who knows what he knows, would tend to do that. But it's caused a schism, and a problem, because members of the House don't want to be micro-managed, they, I, want issues to come to the body from the members to the floor, to go through the process, to live or die by the decisions made of the House members, and no one else, to the extent that that's possible.

The rap on the current Speaker is that the House of Representatives is managed from the second floor, his office, down. And committee chairs are told what to do, and things see the light of day that the second floor wants to see the light of day, and other things don't. So I can understand how he got to where he is, and I'm opposed to that sort of process. I believe that members, given access to good information, who are properly motivated and I believe most members are will come to the right decision sooner or later and ought to be left alone. So that in a nutshell, I think, is the schism.

Dr. James Henson: And how do you think the Speaker is making his case, at this point? I mean, in terms of the politics on the ground?

Representative McCall: Not well. He has a group of members who will do, and go to the Alamo for him, which any speaker should. But if the Speaker of the House loses half the support of the House at any time, that Speaker can blame no one but him- or herself. And circumstances have been such that in fact that has occurred. Now, none of that matters going forward; the only thing that matters is how many from each side show up on game day. And that will be determined in the elections in March and in November.

And so today the big scramble is to effect change, and who shows up on game day. And as a result, there are people that don't want change, that want to do everything they can to make certain that people like myself and Jim Keffer and Jim Pitts and on and on and on don't come back; that the party is over for them. As I said, Legislative politics are vicious because the stakes are so low. Well, in the minds of some, and rightfully so, this is a big deal. And so there are a lot of people on both sides working to effect change. Yes, sir?

Man 2: I think this is more towards your Speaker candidacy, so I think you might be able to answer this one.

Representative McCall: Don't be surprised when I can't. Go ahead.

Man 2: I won't. But do you think your chances are would be better for winning the Speakership if there remains a clear Republican majority or if the House is equally split between Republicans and Democrats?

Representative McCall: Well, let me say I'm for a clear Republican majority, and it wouldn't take much for it to be equally split. You know, in essence we're 80 to 70 now; it wouldn't take many changes. I mentioned that there are two seats held by Republicans that are swing just barely Republican: Haggerty and Latham. But there are also some Democratic seats that are barely Democratic; 50.8 percent. That would be Pete Gallego. And so things can go either way, just depending on who has an opponent and how things go.

Let me tell you, when I first came to the Legislature, every statewide elected official, I believe, was a Democrat. The Speaker of the House was a Democrat; the Lieutenant Governor and both bodies of the Legislature were in the hands of Democrats. And I thought it was a bad way to run a government. Then a few years ago, every Republican elected officer and a vast majority of both houses and both legislative bodies were led by Republicans. And I thought it was a bad way to run a government: because the discourse goes away; the debates go away. The arguments aren't as refined and sharp; and so one of the good effects of there being just not a runaway majority is the discourse improves, in my view.

Dr. James Henson: Paul, as a former guest and famous blogger, I want to give you the option to ask a question.

Representative McCall: You didn't warn me about that one.

(Laughter.)

Paul Burka: I don't Well, there's really only I mean, there's really only one question. Is Craddick better off today or is he worse off today than he was on May 28?

Representative McCall: There's no question that he's worse off today than May 28. And May 28 was a bad day. I mean, if it's true, you know, if certain Democrats don't come back that are in his camp Mr. Puente, for example that's a loss. The Dallas area Mr. Fred Hill left; he was on the opposite side. But the Dallas Morning News and the people in that area are very aware of what has gone on, and there's a great anti-Craddick sentiment. Tom will be... Mr. Craddick will be the issue in every single race, in every primary race and every November race. And if you're running against Tom, you've got a boost. And if you're having to defend Tom and the continuation of the status quo, it takes a lot of explaining. And so I think if everything is based on who shows up next go-round, he has a problem.

Dr. James Henson: Thanks especially. Thank you.

Representative McCall: Thank you very much...

(Applause.)

Representative McCall: -- it's good to be here.

(Applause.)